Under Official and Clerical Protection: The Boom of Fraudulent Shrines Promising Miracles

Alawiya bint al-Hasan is the name given to a shrine established last year in the agricultural area of Al-Bu Hadari in Kufa district, Najaf governorate, southern Iraq. It joins hundreds of shrines, maqams, and religious sites that suddenly appeared in Iraq over the past two decades, which specialists describe as fake, lacking any scientific or religious basis.

Umm Mohammed, 66, passionately defends the supposed shrine—not only as its caretaker but because, as she says, she is closely linked to its discovery on her private farm. She recounts how her disabled son had a vision during the Arbaeen pilgrimage (an annual Shiite religious occasion) last year, in which Alawiya (one of the daughters of Hasan ibn Ali ibn Abd al-Muttalib) guided him to the location of the shrine. When he shared his vision with a local cleric, the man immediately said it was “a valid vision and there is no harm in establishing a shrine there.”

Umm Mohammed appears emotional as she talks about her dire financial situation at the time and how she relied on donations from relatives and neighbors to build the shrine, which is essentially a small room with a large yellow-painted iron cage in the middle. Green pieces of cloth called ‘Alak’ hang from the cage’s openings, and money slots are built into its sides for visitors hoping to have their wishes fulfilled “at the daughter of the Prophet’s grandson,” she says with tear-filled eyes.

Raising her hands in supplication, she adds, “In just one year, more than twenty sick people found cures after visiting the shrine.” Then she continues, “The shrine is new and will need more time before many people know about it and come to have their wishes fulfilled.” She devotes most of her time to this effort.

She mentions contacting women who recite elegies in mourning councils to hold similar ceremonies at the shrine, as well as coordinating with the ‘Hammala Dar’—a group organizing women’s visits to shrines and maqams. Umm Mohammed says she often gives malaaya and Hammala Dar some of the donations received from visitors.

The details are nearly identical in most stories of newly established shrines: shortly after being set up, their visitors increase to thousands weekly. They quickly become revered by a broad segment of people, especially in the country’s poor southern regions, turning into destinations for tens of thousands seeking to fulfill urgent needs—money, marriage, children, or healing from illnesses.

Despite official bodies, religious scholars, and researchers deeming them fake with no backing, these sites are visited. Offerings and donations are given, and prayers are raised before them to solve life’s, health’s, and social problems, as well as to secure places in paradise.

Hundreds of Fake Shrines

Researcher Elias Faiz Jabbar distinguishes between shrines (marakiz), maqams, and ziyarat sites: “A shrine is believed to contain the remains of a highly respected religious figure, like a prophet, a member of the Prophet’s family, a companion, or a pious cleric. A maqam is a place where such a person lived temporarily or permanently, while a ziyarat is a place visited or passed by them or where they left some mark.”

He warns that none are accepted without evidence, clues, and consensus among scholars. Many places—even some famous and widely known—lack definite proof of authenticity; instead, “people have traditionally believed them generation after generation,” except for a few, like the tomb of Prophet Muhammad and some of his family.

A source close to the Shiite Endowment Office says an unpublished study conducted about three years ago found nearly 700 fake religious sites in Iraq, presented as shrines or maqams of the Prophet’s family or persons of sanctity. “That was three years ago; the number is surely larger now, probably exceeding 1,000, as they keep increasing.”

Repeated attempts over months to get official numbers failed, but clues come from the Shiite Endowment Office’s lists, which identify officially recognized religious sites.

Ignorance and Wish Fulfillment

Psychology specialist Dr. Ikhlas Jassim explains the spread of fake shrines as rooted in “the inherited superstition belief system. For example, a guardian takes his children to visit a shrine, touches a stone, pats their heads, telling them it brings healing and protection, and recites the visitation prayer.”

She adds that children observe the change in their parent’s mood, “the authoritative and perhaps harsh image disappears; he appears humble and weak, instilling awe in them and reinforcing their belief that the place has miraculous powers. They then repeat the visits and do the same with their children.”

Dr. Ikhlas points out human nature’s tendency to desire fulfillment without effort and that an impoverished imagination readily accepts that these stones and deceased persons can fulfill dreams, cure diseases, and protect from evil.

A Baghdad-based genealogy professor (who requested anonymity for professional reasons) says many shrines, even some well-known, are “fake or products of some religious entrepreneurs’ imaginations.”

He cites examples of strange stories circulated online about some shrines, such as the shrine of Sharifa bint al-Hasan in Babil province, promoted on social media for its miracles like reuniting divorced women with their husbands, granting pregnancy, ensuring prosperity, etc., attracting many visitors without verifying these stories.

The shrine, located in Abi Gharq district, is a building with a room, large hall, dome, and courtyard under renovation for years. According to Iran’s Fars News Agency, an Iraqi man who achieved his wish after visiting financed its renovation and entrusted the design to an artist in Isfahan, Iran, then brought it back to Iraq.

The shrine measures 5.5 meters long, 4.5 wide, and 3.65 meters high. Visitors come to pray, perform religious rites, seek healing, and have their wishes granted. They hang cloth pieces or signs expressing gratitude on walls and sometimes sacrifice animals, cooking and distributing their meat there.

The professor states that the shrine was built with donations over recent years, and publicity turned its surroundings into a developed area with amusement parks, hotels, restaurants, and markets, attracting daily visitors from all provinces.

He is surprised that despite extensive historical research and consulting specialists, no evidence confirms Sharifa bint al-Hasan’s name or lineage in official narrations about the Prophet’s family.

He notes that shrine supervisors “know this,” adding that there is no identifying plaque about her lineage, some rationalizing this as a lack of historical sources.

He also mentions there are three shrines for Sharifa bint al-Hasan in Babil province alone, besides the one in Abi Gharq: one near Mahawil and another in Hashimiya on the road to Diwaniya.

He gives other examples: Sharifa bint al-Hasan, Zakia bint al-Hasan, Khudrawat bint al-Hasan, Alawiya bint al-Hasan, Latifa bint al-Hasan, lamenting the widespread ignorance: “Fake maqams spread with ridiculous and embarrassing names, with no effort to choose meaningful or historically backed names. But they don’t care as long as people believe any name presented!”

Why daughters of Hasan specifically? The professor explains: “Because Hasan was known to have many marriages and divorces. According to confirmed historical sources, he had six daughters, all lived and died in Medina; the most famous was Fatima, married to Imam Sajjad.”

Hence, he believes all shrines and maqams for Hasan’s daughters in Iraq are fake, even those recognized by the Shiite Endowment and acquired through barter or direct payment to founders. By barter, he means granting the founders land elsewhere, like a commercial area.

Fake Shrines and Government Silence

Social researcher Ismail Ali expresses surprise that known fake sites remain visited widely with government knowledge and yet no action is taken.

He sarcastically says, “The irony is the societal ignorance affecting everyone, even educated people. Delegations from universities, including faculty and students, visit places like the shrine of Imam Ali’s Qattara ; those who warn them against following such superstitions are accused of betraying religion or being foreign agents and shunned.”

Ismail confirms that despite Imam Ali’s Qattara shrine’s authenticity being questioned three years ago, visits continue, concluding “there is a dulling of intellect and manipulation of citizens under the guise of religion, injecting myths and nonsense to prevent them from keeping pace with progress, especially as some financially benefit from these shrines.”

Al-Qattara of Imam Ali is a simple structure topped with a green dome, located in the middle of the desert west of Karbala near Lake Razzaza. It is named Al-Qattara because it supposedly contains a spring of water. Its collapse on August 21, 2022, resulted in the death of ten people and injuries to others, including women and children. According to the Civil Defense’s account, saturated moisture in the adjacent hill caused the collapse.

At that time, the Shiite Endowment Office issued a statement denying responsibility for managing the site, confirming: “The plot on which the building stands is not registered under the endowment and belongs to investors.”

The governor of Karbala, Nassif Al-Khatabi, told media after the deadly incident that Al-Qattara of Imam Ali “does not belong to any known authority.”

Journalist Hussam Al-Kaabi said he visited the site shortly after the collapse and found no spring as rumored. Instead, there were buried water pipes coming from a distant place, ending at a water pump next to an electric generator. He explained: “I documented everything in a video clip. The water reaches the site this way, and people are deceived into thinking it is blessed water. A small bottle (half a liter) is sold for 5,000 Iraqi dinars.”

“A.A,” a civil and human rights activist who requested anonymity, confirmed that after news of the collapse spread, she and other activists planned a campaign to combat fake shrines: “But before the campaign began, a colleague received a threatening message from an unknown number saying, ‘Whoever dares to confront our shrines will face a bullet,’ and thus the campaign ended before it started.” The activist confirmed that many similar campaigns met the same fate after threats and warnings.

Surgeon Ali Al-Shammari from Najaf recounts one of his experiences with believers in the powers of shrines and mausoleums. A woman in her forties required major surgery to remove a 4-kilogram tumor from her abdomen. He said: “She was poor and destitute, so my team and I waived our fees and covered her stay at a private hospital to save her life. We worked for many hours in the operating room.”

The doctor smiled as he recalled: “When she woke up, she thanked Sharifa Bint Al-Hassan for saving her and said the shrine’s caretaker had assured her not to worry because Sharifa Bint Al-Hassan would be with her in the operating room.”

Neurologist Mohamed Zawin, living in Turkey, said: “The government, with its failed religious-political system, made people ignorant, begging at shrines and stones instead of protesting their reality and demanding educational, health, and other services.”

Accusations Against Religious Men

Many interviewed during the investigation held some self-proclaimed religious men responsible for the spread of fake shrines and mausoleums in southern Iraq and their silence about their reality, as they profit from them. The common denominator among these sites is the presence of beneficiaries, men or women, called “Al-Kim,” who serve and manage the place.

Usually, they sell items called “Al-Hirz,” a paper with prayers and numbers wrapped in green cloth, and “Al-Alak,” a green cloth given for blessing or healing. They also offer other services such as “taking Al-Kheera” (seeking knowledge of the future) or tying people with psychological or neurological conditions to the shrine for healing.

An academic researcher from Najaf, who asked to remain anonymous due to the sensitivity of his statements, said he left Najaf years ago to live elsewhere after being accused of atheism and blasphemy, and his tribe had declared him a target because of his stance against “their sacred objects.”

He explained: “Our tribe lives in a semi-isolated agricultural area, and many things can be easily sanctified, so it is easy to convince them of discovering new sacred shrines, five or six a year.” He laughed bitterly before continuing: “There are unbelievable things—visitors, especially on Ashura days, come on foot from very far places to the shrine, walking for hours. If their feet develop boils, the water from them is drawn with medical injections, collected in small bottles, and sold as medicine!”

He described how these alleged shrines become places of pilgrimage: “Al-Kim agrees with a religious man, who attends a mourning gathering and narrates a fabricated story about how the place was sanctified and the miracles granted to its visitors, such as healing or financial multiplication because of their donations.”

The researcher noted that these religious speeches are sometimes attended by politicians who know well that the place is fake. He described the fake shrines as “commercial projects that generate money for those who manage them. The reason they are not held accountable is that religious men are political tools to convince people to re-elect them and legitimize the government in their minds.”

He added: “In Iraq, a broken-down agricultural tractor in a remote area can become a sacred shrine, with green cloths hung for blessing and wishes, and a light pole can become a sacred pillar visited by the poor deprived of education, money, and happiness.”

He laughed again then said bitterly: “Instead of establishing a restaurant or any business that needs years to prosper, any deceitful person can sit on a wheelchair at a religious event, suddenly stand up and pray, and a companion shouts loudly that the Imam healed his friend. People gather amazed, and donations pour in.”

He paused, then added: “These are not imaginary stories but happen frequently in southern Iraq, especially during religious occasions like Arbaeen.”

Poverty and Helplessness

Academic researcher Dr. Ali Al-Qaisi said when a person lives in poverty: “They feel helpless against life’s hardships and complain of deprivation, unemployment, and illness. The mind seeks any outlet to ease this suffering.”

Here, shrines and superstitions appear as an escape and psychological refuge, according to Al-Qaisi, who added: “They offer simple answers to a complicated life. Want a job, are unmarried, or sick? Visit a shrine, and your problem will be solved. Afraid of the evil eye? Take a talisman, amulet, or a spit from a Sayyid!”

He asked: “Why do people hold onto these beliefs instead of seeking logical solutions to their problems?”

Superstitions here keep the poor in constant hope for miracles rather than rising and working. “This psychological need is exploited by political and religious regimes… superstitions turn into tools of control, and the shrine becomes a symbol of perpetuating oppression, calling for waiting for miracles instead of changing reality, creating a closed circle fueled by ignorance and poverty.”

Retired university professor Dr. Mahdi Ghalib believes poverty in Iraq is systematic, and successive governments deliberately spread it to achieve their narrow goals.

He pointed to the neglect of industry and agriculture as clear evidence of an attempt to keep a large poor segment that usually serves as fuel in conflicts and propaganda in elections, easily led toward any goal in exchange for crumbs.

In an agricultural area called Al-Jama’a, about two kilometers from the center of Kufa, there was a large gathering of women dressed in black, gathered around a palm tree they called “The Tree of AL-Abbas.” When we asked one of them, a woman in her forties, why she had come to the place, she answered with tears in her eyes, “I have seven daughters, and I am pregnant now. I came here so that my wish may be fulfilled and I may give birth to a boy.”

Then she placed her right hand on her stomach and said in a tone almost like a chant, her eyes fixed on the tree, “O Tree of Abbas, if it is a girl, then turn it into a boy by the honor of everyone who has honor.”

She swore, while the rest of the women listened attentively, that a neighbor of hers had undergone an ultrasound, which revealed that the fetus in her womb was a girl. However, when she arrived at the place and said her goodbyes, she discovered, a few days later, via ultrasound, that the fetus had become a boy.

The place erupted with screams, and then the women began chanting loudly, “Peace be upon Muhammad and his family.”

After about an hour, the faces had changed several times, with some coming and others going. Suddenly, a young woman in her thirties threw off her abaya and began to sprinkle sweets (chocolates) over people’s heads. As soon as she finished, she untied a green cloth tied around her waist and said in a joyful voice, her hands on the palm tree trunk, “Thank you, Abbas Tree. Ghassan, son of his mother, has had a stroke.” She meant that someone had suffered a stroke. It seems that this was a wish of hers, which her family had previously made for the tree, and it had come true!

Visits to shrines and other religious sites are rarely spontaneous; they are often organized by individuals and groups. Umm Muhammad Al-Alawiya (55), a widow from Diwaniyah province, is one such organizer. She runs a “Dar Campaign” that involves contacting relatives, neighbors, or through social media and WhatsApp groups to organize visits to shrines and mausoleums, some in remote agricultural areas.

She provides transportation for visitors and says each shrine has a designated visitation day: “Hussain, son of Imam Ali, on Thursday, and his brother Abbas on Saturday.” She notes that fees vary according to the distance and the number of shrines visited.

Umm Muhammad also receives vows from Shiites living abroad and delivers them herself to the shrines. She adds: “Those who cannot visit write their needs on small slips of paper, and I place them in the shrine. Everyone pays according to their ability.”

She lists common needs that shrines can supposedly fulfill: “Love marriages, healing the sick, freeing prisoners, providing sustenance.” She names many shrines she organizes visits to, including Al-Hamza Al-Sharqi, Al-Hamza Al-Gharbi, Al-Hamza Abu Diwajah, Sayyid Muhammad, Sayyid Jawda, Sharifa Bint Al-Hassan, Sayyid Saleh, Abu Al-Karamat, daughters of Al-Hassan, children of Al-Ridha, children of Al-Kadhim, etc.

Neglected Remedies

Legal expert Safaa Al-Lami accuses the government of failing to take legal action against “fake shrines,” as if the matter does not concern it. He also holds the Shiite Endowment Office responsible for the widespread spread of these shrines: “Endowment heads are ministry-level directors with full powers and budget allocations, including investments in shrines, projects, and companies.”

He adds: “The Shiite Endowment does not provide accurate statistics on fake shrines, indicating financial benefit, administrative corruption, or negligence.” Al-Lami says the smallest fake shrine earns at least five million dinars monthly.

Regarding possible legal actions, Al-Lami says the legal representative of the Shiite Endowment “can file a lawsuit in court against those managing any shrine, and the court can order its removal.”

Religious figure Haider Abu Ragheef says determining if a shrine is real or fake is the task of historians, religious men, and scholars. “Once proven fake, the responsibility for its removal falls on the Endowment.”

He sees an urgent need for a “Husseini platform for awareness that addresses such important social issues and employs all necessary tools.”

Abu Ragheef also believes much responsibility lies with elites and academics concerned with awareness-raising, and to dismantle this deep ignorance, they must not remain distant from the scene.

A member of Najaf’s provincial council, who asked to remain anonymous, said the issue of fake shrines has been raised multiple times in parliament by several deputies, “but some Islamic political parties oppose it.”

He said that “renovating some fake shrines and the donations they receive is a process led by organized groups for special interests, especially since some shrines have bank accounts.”

About 70 km north of Nasiriyah, the capital of Dhi Qar province in southern Iraq, lies the shrine of Sayyid Lahmoud, a new simple building consisting of a small room and a prayer hall painted green, with henna-stained corners.

Sayyid Lahmoud, according to visitors, can treat “foot cracks, corns, and warts.” One visitor, a construction worker named Haider Alawi (43), said: “After contacting Al-Kim, he sent us a handful of soil and told us to add water and apply it to skin sores, assuring us of healing within four to ten days at most.”

The worker, with bright eyes, pointed to the handful of soil in his hand: “Al-Kim sends it from the shrine anywhere by delivery service. We got his phone number via Facebook.” He continued confidently: “I tried it myself and healed within one week, so I came to visit Sayyid and ask for something in my soul hoping it will be fulfilled.”

– The investigation was carried out under the supervision of the NIRIJ Network within the Qareeb project supported by CFI.