On December 22, 2024, the Karkh Court of First Instance issued a ruling fining Iraqi journalist Qais Hassan five million Iraqi dinars in a lawsuit filed against him by former Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi in August 2024 on charges of “insult and defamation.”
Hassan is just one of dozens of journalists being prosecuted, amid a wave of website blockages, TV program bans, pressure and threats against journalists, and professional suspensions—such as the suspension of writer and media figure Saleh Al-Hamdani after a post he wrote about the situation in Syria and its implications for Iraq.
Qais Hassan was targeted after he published a Facebook post on July 30, 2024, criticizing successive Iraqi governments:
“Since 2003, we’ve been ruled by the most trivial, vile, and intellectually and behaviorally corrupt individuals—but Mustafa Al-Kadhimi outdid them all…”
This post angered Al-Kadhimi, prompting him to file a lawsuit demanding 250 million dinars in compensation. His attorney, Amir Al-Daami, argued in the lawsuit that Hassan’s statements were unambiguous insults causing material and moral harm to Al-Kadhimi and his family, violating the principle of freedom of expression and crossing ethical boundaries.
Although Al-Kadhimi’s office later announced a waiver of the “personal right” to the financial compensation, the mere fact that a journalist was sentenced for expressing an opinion reignited public debate in Iraq. This development coincides with other ongoing lawsuits filed by current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ Al-Sudani against his critics in the media.
Many Iraqis now believe that the country is being governed under a disguised dictatorship cloaked in fragile democracy—not only because of perceived suppression of free speech through legal action, but also due to judicial directives and governmental procedures targeting journalists and opinion-makers, in direct contradiction to constitutional freedoms.
One example is the “Anti-Vulgar Content Campaign” launched by the Ministry of Interior in January 2023 and later endorsed by the Supreme Judicial Council. The campaign led to prosecutions of numerous content creators and activists on social media, while professional unions remained silent about lawsuits filed against their own members.
At the same time, some argue that filing lawsuits against journalists, media professionals, and bloggers falls within democratic norms, especially when compared to the former Iraqi regime or militant groups that silenced dissent through torture, imprisonment, or assassination without trials.
For Qais Hassan, however, the comparison seemed different. As he left the courtroom, he reportedly wondered whether former Prime Minister Al-Kadhimi would have dared to sue any of the political or militia figures who had insulted him far more aggressively. “Why did he choose me, and not them, to bring before the law?” he asked.
Rising Violations Against Journalists
A report by the Iraqi Press Freedom Advocacy Association titled “Monitoring Violations Against Iraqi Journalists” from January 1 to December 25, 2024” recorded a total of 457 violations against journalists and media professionals. These included:
5 journalists killed
1 seriously injured
16 assaulted
23 arrested
11 detained
7 subjected to armed attacks
281 cases of obstruction or prevention from media coverage
68 legal cases filed against journalists
2 received death threats
Additionally, the report documented:
The blocking of 9 news websites, TV programs, and journalist accounts
17 violations by the Communications and Media Commission
7 violations by the Iraqi Journalists Syndicate
10 other unspecified incidents
The report labeled these incidents a “massive setback” and pointed to the involvement of various actors, including Prime Minister Al-Sudani’s office and security agencies. Some violations were directed by senior officials, while others stemmed from personal vendettas. Government officials were also accused of using their security details for revenge or of pursuing legal action under claims of defamation.
The report further revealed the involvement of independent bodies and professional syndicates in retaliatory actions and intimidation of journalists—particularly the Journalists Syndicate, which filed lawsuits, revoked press licenses, and instructed government institutions to avoid dealing with critical journalists. The Syndicate also reportedly influenced court verdicts through expert testimony against fellow journalists.
It also highlighted armed factions storming TV station buildings and destroying their contents, attributing this to weak security and governmental performance and accusing some independent bodies of siding with the militias’ agendas instead of protecting media outlets.
A Baghdad-based journalist, speaking anonymously due to fear of reprisal, said:”There are armed groups that could kill or detain us over a post they don’t like, and there are MPs and officials who can sue us just for a phrase in an article. Worst of all, courts rely on Syndicate experts—our colleagues—who should protect us but instead testify against us.”
He added that the “Anti-Vulgar Content” campaign has been weaponized to target journalists under the pretense of protecting social morals, resulting in many avoiding criticism of the authorities for fear of prosecution. Some have faced investigations and imprisonment as a result.
He warned that suppressing freedom of expression serves only to preserve the ruling class and allows rampant corruption to go unchallenged.
Amnesty International’s 2023 report criticized Iraqi authorities for attacks on free speech and attempts to pass restrictive laws such as the “Freedom of Expression and Peaceful Assembly” and “Cybercrimes” bills, which it warned would severely curtail rights if enacted.
Government Silence on Violations
Threats, arrests, and lawsuits are not the only dangers journalists face. In conflict zones, particularly near the borders with Turkey and Iran, journalists risk being killed during coverage due to drone and artillery attacks.
On August 23, 2024, a Turkish drone strike in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, killed Kurdish journalists Gulistan Tara and Hêro Bahadîn of GTR Media Company. Neither the Kurdistan Regional Government nor the federal government responded to the incident.
Journalists often avoid these border areas due to the risk of attacks and the lack of protective measures. Local authorities also restrict media access to conflict zones, even where civilians are present.
The Iraqi Press Freedom Advocacy Association expressed deep concern over the governments’ silence and held them accountable for failing to protect journalists.
In Kurdistan, the Erbil Misdemeanor Court sentenced journalist Sherwan Sherwani to four years in prison in July 2024 under Articles 298 and 298 of the Penal Code, according to his lawyer Ramadan Artisi. This was his second conviction, after a six-year sentence in February 2021 under Article 156 alongside four other journalists.
Human rights organizations accuse the Kurdistan Regional Government of suppressing freedom of expression, a concern echoed by Amnesty International in May 2024, which reported that many journalists had been forced into hiding or exile, while others remained imprisoned.
Metro Center recorded 37 journalist arrests in Kurdistan in 2023 and 27 incidents of assaults and threats. Coordinator Rahman Gharib highlighted several issues in their 2024 report, including drone killings, attempted assassinations, equipment damage, cyberattacks, and denial of fair legal process.
He also noted worsening working conditions: lack of social security, unfair contracts, arbitrary dismissals, and delayed or unpaid salaries.
Crackdown on Dissenting Voices
In December 2024, Saleh Al-Hamdani, host of a program on the state-run Iraqiya TV channel, posted on X (formerly Twitter):
“Syria made in two weeks what we couldn’t achieve in Iraq in 20 years.”
The post triggered backlash from Thair Al-Ghanimi, head of Iraq’s Media Network Board of Trustees, who warned via X:
“Legal action will also be swift, reaching outcomes in a week that others didn’t achieve in six years—about your stance on our state and people.”
Al-Hamdani’s show was suspended and his employment terminated—moves condemned by several figures and organizations, who called such acts intimidation and urged parliament to hold abusers of power accountable.
In Mosul, journalist Ziyad Al-Sinjari, who had fled ISIS to Vienna in 2014, was arrested upon his return in July 2024 due to lawsuits filed by officials and militia leaders. A source close to him said the charges stemmed from his exposure of corruption via media and social media, using leaked documents.
He was arrested without a warrant on July 11, 2024, and accused of impersonating a judge—an implausible charge given his location abroad. He was sentenced to two years in October 2024.
Also in Mosul, Al-Sharqiya TV correspondent Jamal Al-Badrani was assaulted on November 19, 2024, by three armed members of the Babylon Militia affiliated with the Popular Mobilization Forces.
The Supreme Judicial Council confirmed an investigation was underway, with the National Security Directorate assigned to identify the assailants using surveillance footage.
In Basra, security personnel for Electricity Minister Ziyad Ali violently attacked journalists Mustafa Al-Shammari and Fouad Al-Halfi while covering a contract signing with a Turkish company on December 15, 2024.
The Iraqi Press Freedom Advocacy Association condemned the assault and urged legal action, holding the Commander-in-Chief, Basra’s governor, and security leaders accountable for “the worsening conditions of journalists in Basra and deliberate targeting to silence them.”
The outlook for 2025 seems grim. On January 1, a media figure from Al-Baghdadia TV, Ali Al-Khayal, was arrested on charges of defaming the government. Just days earlier, on December 26, 2024, Zainab Rabee of Al-Sharqiya TV received a court summons under Article 433 of the Penal Code, following a complaint by a representative of Prime Minister Al-Sudani.
Rabee responded via Facebook, affirming her commitment to free speech and her criticism of the government, denouncing violations of the constitution, corruption, and mismanagement under Al-Sudani’s administration.
This investigation was completed under the supervision of the “NIRIJ” network, as part of the “Qareeb” project supported by CFI.
Investigative Reports
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